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NEW DATA FROM the country’s largest life assurance company shows that cancer accounted for 44 per cent of all Life Insurance claims last year, and 58 per cent of Special Illness Cover claims.
In total, €168 million was paid out by Irish Life in 2013. Heart-related conditions accounted for 16 per cent of Life Insurance pay-outs and 22 per cent of Special Illness Cover claims.
The company’s claims book also gives details of the largest claims. A €1 million Life Insurance claim was paid in respect of a man in his 50s. The corresponding figure for a female was €800,000, paid in respect of a woman in her fifties.
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The largest Specified Illness Cover claim (paid in in the event that a person contracts one of 44 illnesses) was €1.1, paid to a man in his 40s suffering from cancer.
The average pay-out was €65,560 for Life Insurance and €69,638 for Specified Illness.
The figures also show that of the 138 claims paid out for accidental death, 25 were the result of a road traffic accident — equating to €2 million in payments. Alcohol was a factor in 6 per cent of all accident claims — down slightly from 7 per cent in 2012, and from 14 per cent in 2011.
Figures from the Department of Health show that heart-related illnesses accounted for 36 per cent of all deaths registered in 2012, compared to 19 per cent of deaths for those under 65.
19 per cent of all deaths in 2012 were due to external causes like accidents and suicide, compared to 2 per cent of deaths amongst those over 65.
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I wonder what he would have to say about a country with a the homeless epidemic raging and hundreds of thousands of families crushed under spiraling rents and mortgage debt as the state facilities vulture funds masquerading as charities to snap up homes at fire sale prices?
Or a state which is systematically dismantling the public health hand education systems using a lack of funding as justification while they fight tooth and nail to ensure Apple hangs on to €19 billion in dodged taxes?
The Double Irish scam which the likes of Google use to funnel their profits offshore to avoid tax is technically legal but of course deeply immoral. The double Irish is a 2 company structure where one company pays Intellectual Property royalties to a second company which is registered in ireland but tax resident in some tax haven the Cayman Islands or Bermuda etc.
Apple in contrast used a single company (Single Irish) structure and the IP royalties were moved from one branch of the company to another offshore/HQ branch which was tax resident nowhere. This is the selective benefit that Commission has picked up on and has ordered Apple to pay the €13 billion in back taxes.
Both the double and single Irish are disgusting financial 3 card trickery to allow the corporates to dodge their taxes but only the single Irish is in breach of E.U. law. It looks like our Revenue Commissioners didn’t advise Apple well enough on how to legally avoid their taxes.
A true public servant who enriched our economy. He deserves all the plaudits he is receiving. He makes mediocrities of most of our senior politicians/ civil servants down through the years. Happy 100th birthday!
Let’s not get too dewy eyed. The capitalist model which Whitaker espouses has failed millions of Irish people with mass poverty, unemployment and emigration being the norm for most of the history of the state. It has served the pampered corporate, political, legal and administrative class very well though which is the reason that Whitaker is revered by this group.
An overview of Irish capitalism since Independence.
“Unemployment and emigration were near constant features in southern Ireland from so-called independence right up to the ‘Celtic Tiger’. At its heart, this was down to an inability of capitalism to create jobs, and develop industry (for reasons I will come on to later). In fact, overall the number of jobs declined – with slightly less employed in 1992 than 1922, a shocking indictment of capitalism1. Whilst the number of jobs did fluctuate slightly, it remained largely stagnant around the one million mark.
This is not to say there were not new jobs being created, but that those created were really just replacing jobs lost elsewhere in the economy. So, for instance, in the 1960’s over 118k new jobs were creatred, but there was a corresponding loss of 116k jobs, meaning only a net job creation of 2k .2 And whilst there was slight net growth in the number of jobs in the 60’s, and the 70’s, this was countered by net job loss in the 50’s and 80’s.
The result of this job stagnation was that a huge amount of young people were ‘surplus to requirement’ for Irish capitalism, which was unable to provide them with work. This meant that mass unemployment was an “outstanding feature” of the Irish economy, according to the famous government paper by TK Whitaker in 1958, and it’s twin – mass emigration. Consistently from 1922 to 1992 Ireland’s rate of unemployment was one of the worst in Europe, and in that period 1.7m people emigrated.3
Again, this is not to say there was no let up, or the entirety of this period was the same. At times, one or other of these features was less prominent. However, the underlying stagnation in jobs meant that when one receded it was usually accompanied by a rise in the other. So, for instance, in the 1970’s emigration fell to 10k a year, and there was in fact net immigration for the first time in the history of the state.4 However, at the same time, unemployment was on the rise. During the most serious crises, both emigration and unemployment rose hand in hand, such as in the 1980’s when unemployment reached almost one in five, and 1% were emigrating every year.”
@Benjy Mooney:
How many times have you changed your name.
Ireland of the 50s was multiple times worse off than today. If people think it is not well there is no point in even auguring the point.
He saw the CB as a controlling mechanism and was disgusted how it lost its way. He indirectly argued against the Euro.
You will forgive me for copy and pasting.
“Whitaker’s long-held concerns about income inequality and the detachment of the financial markets from a sense of societal responsibility or accountability are more relevant than ever today.
In the 1980s, he asked: “Is it little more than a fiction that parliament and government are sovereign? Does the State’s power rest precariously on day-by-day tolerance of its authority by powerful sectional interests? Are governments nowadays to be compared to the totally deaf Beethoven in his later years, just being allowed to go through the motions of conducting the orchestra while the real control is being exercised elsewhere?
Said in the 80′s,the problem of the last 20 year’s was there were no Whitakers in a position of power to shout stop. He had vision from the economy, to regulation, North and even Irish Language.
An overview of Irish leftist socialism since Independence :……………………………………………………….
………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………….
…………………Nothing to see here.
Mass poverty, unemployment and emigration continued despite the policies that Whitaker implemented and remain to this day with a lack of a home being the most acute form of poverty.
Did you miss this part?
“In fact, overall the number of jobs declined – with slightly less employed in 1992 than 1922, a shocking indictment of capitalism”
“Whitaker’s long-held concerns about income inequality and the detachment of the financial markets from a sense of societal responsibility or accountability are more relevant than ever today.”
The problems of inequality, the parasitic nature of the finance sector and the amorality of profit seeking are inherent to the capitalist system. Whitaker condemned the symptoms while promoting the cause.
The limitations of the FDI strategy from the link:
“With the turn away from protectionism in the 1950’s came a new focus on attracting foreign direct investment, to act as a motor for the economy where domestic investment had failed. This was moderately successful for a period, but highlighted another key problem that the Irish economy has faced: the inability of reliance on FDI to provide sustainable growth.
The years 1960 to 1979 was the initial ‘golden age’ of this policy, during which time there was a rapid rise in manufacturing output, and a re-balancing of Irish exports from primary goods to secondary, with foreign direct investment the driving force. Between 1958 and ’73 manufacturing output grew by 6.7% a year, with the numbers employed in the sector growing at 2.4% a year too. By the 1970’s multinationals employed 68,500 working in manufacturing, the proportion of national production being exported had doubled to over 40%, with merchandise exports finally exceeding livestock.13
This FDI-led growth, however, proved to be sporadic, and weak. For one, much of the investment was reliant on heavy subsidisation, grants and tax incentives. It was also unstable, so whilst there was growth in FDI in the 60s, and much of the 70s, it stalled from 70 to 73 and declined throughout the 80s.14 On each occasion, international events played the key role, as export oriented FDI depended not just on the situation in the country the company is from, but where they are hoping to export to. The Irish economy also found itself lagging behind countries, for instance, even during this ‘golden age’, Irish growth rates were far below the rest of Europe.
The growth that did take place, was also quite shallow, both in terms of the type of investment and in terms of its impact on the domestic economy. Much of the companies that invested were in so-called footloose industries such as chemicals and computers, which don’t require intensive investment locally outside of construction costs. Instead the main costs were materials, so the companies were relatively free to move on as they saw fit. Linked to this, once companies set up in Ireland, there was very little re-investment or expansion from them, meaning that in order to keep up investment levels there was a need for a constant flow of new companies in. For this reason, the industrialisation that did take place has been described as ‘dependent industrialisation’.15
Most importantly, the impact of this rapid expansion in exports and level of manufacturing output on the domestic economy itself was actually very shallow. Almost all the materials used in production were imported, and almost all the products were exported, most starkly demonstrated by US pharmaceutical companies who imported 97% of materials and exported 98% of their outputs16. Other than things such as legal and financial services therefore, there was actually very few ‘linkages’ with the rest of the economy. The profits that were made were minimally taxed, and 98.5% were repatriated out of the country. And whilst jobs were created, multinationals only employed a third of the manufacturing workforce, but accounted for the majority of output and exports, and the vast majority of the profits”
“From ‘independence’ to the ‘Celtic Tiger’; both reliance on domestic and international capitalism proved incapable of providing a stable basis for a strong economy. Domestic capitalism – under both protectionism and free market competition – failed to develop viable, competitive industry. And the reliance on export oriented multi nationals, with very few linkages to the domestic economy, resulted in only shallow and unstable development. Throughout it all, the Irish economy remained generally weak and backwards suffering from mass unemployment and emigration.”
@Benjy Mooney:
There are many issues with capitalism, as even Mr Whitaker suggests in one of my posts. However if we want to live in the 1950s with protectionism and little or no trade (only agriculture to the UK), we would still be in horse and carts. We live in a very interconnected world (maybe too interconnected) . For what it is worth I will take Mr Whitaker’s vision any day ahead of the rubbish you spout. You have some good examples from your previous name regarding economic theories you can have Zimbabwe, Venesuala, USSR. Don’t give the rubbish about economic equality in Cuba there is no economy to have equality their.
The article also fails to mention Whitaker’s admiration for Margaret Thatcher’s vision:
“In 1993 he suggested Margaret Thatcher’s “most creditable and enduring achievement was to re-establish the supremacy of government and parliament over sectional interests”
By “sectional interests” of course Whitaker means the working class. The capitalist class interests were staunchly protected and advanced by Thatcher’s government and every British government since.
One story from is biography that i liked was. Himself and Jack Lynch were walking into Stormount for a meeting. Ian Paisley was protesting outside chanting No popery here. Jack Lynch turned to Whitaker and asked him. Which one of us do you think he thinks is the pope.
More articles like this please! We need to know who and what got Ireland to where it is now. We also need journalism with Whitaker’s spirit of integrity. If you don’t provide it, we’re left with the trolls and commentators keen to preach cynicism, half-truths and despair. Thanks for enlightening us and Happy Birthday to the man himself.
Our economy is built on the guidelines of Whitakers white paper even today. A massive contribution to our move from an agricultural to industrial based ecenomy.
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